It's going to be a while before we really piece together exactly why Trump won. And the answer will involve a lot of different moving parts. The black and Hispanic vote didn't go for Hillary as much as it did for Obama. Trump turned several blue rural counties red. Polling location closures in Arizona hurt Democratic turnout. Etc.
But not every cause is equal. If minorities had voted for Hillary the same as they did for Obama in Florida, it wouldn't have made a difference. The urban/rural divide is real, but it's not exactly new. And even if more people in Maricopa County voted, it probably wouldn't have flipped Arizona to Hillary.
One big cause of this loss, though, the one I'd argue was determinative, was the defection of blue collar white labor from the Democratic party in the rust belt. Overall, 49% of voters in union households went for Trump, an historically high number. And, honestly, we should have seen it coming.
Back in January, the Democrats were warned that Trump was killing it with union workers in the Midwest. And while very few Democrats in recent decades can claim to be die-hard friends of labor, this is a type of baggage that would be especially heavy for the Clinton camp, which had already given us one President that unions weren't exactly wild for. And again, the warning signs were there, even last year:
And now, with 20/20 hindsight, we can see how even the primary results foretold this problem. There was a candidate, after all, who wasn't considered a serious threat at first to the Clinton inevitability, and he was scoffed at as unelectable by Democrats and Republicans alike. But there's one thing you couldn't call him: unpopular with union voters. While national leaders were getting behind Hillary early, Bernie was cleaning up with the locals.
All of this culminated in what, until yesterday, many considered the most stunning upset in recent political memory: Bernie's victory in the Michigan primary. But here's the thing. Two other states Bernie significantly outperformed his polling in? Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. In each state, depending on the polls you look at, he outperformed by at least mid-to-high single digits, if not low double digits.
Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania. The three states that, effectively, just made Trump our next President. Something was going on in those states during the primary season that the polls didn't pick up on. Something was still going on in those states during the general that the polls didn't pick up on.
Now, I'm trying my best not to go full "I told you so" to my fellow Democrats quite yet. Give them time to digest what just happened. But, for all the talk of electability, it turns out that Bernie was the electable one, for one simple reason: he was the one Democrat speaking the populist message that resonated with rust belt labor, a constituency that, once upon a time, was such an important part of the Democratic coalition. A constituency that abandoned Hillary just enough to cost her the White House.
We've talked a lot about where the GOP goes post-Trump. But now that the Dems are firmly in a minority opposition role for at least two years (and probably longer), it's time to flip that question around. The party needs to find a way to repair its relationship with labor. An endorsement from SEIU or UAW national leadership looks great, but it doesn't mean anything if the actual members don't want to vote for you. It's time for the party to take a long look in the mirror. And, while I don't expect Bernie himself to run again in 2020, Democrats need to look at his message and his strategy, and come to grips with the fact that his against-the-current campaign was the only one that got labor voters excited. They need to make some changes fast, or the Midwest might turn red for a generation.
But not every cause is equal. If minorities had voted for Hillary the same as they did for Obama in Florida, it wouldn't have made a difference. The urban/rural divide is real, but it's not exactly new. And even if more people in Maricopa County voted, it probably wouldn't have flipped Arizona to Hillary.
One big cause of this loss, though, the one I'd argue was determinative, was the defection of blue collar white labor from the Democratic party in the rust belt. Overall, 49% of voters in union households went for Trump, an historically high number. And, honestly, we should have seen it coming.
Back in January, the Democrats were warned that Trump was killing it with union workers in the Midwest. And while very few Democrats in recent decades can claim to be die-hard friends of labor, this is a type of baggage that would be especially heavy for the Clinton camp, which had already given us one President that unions weren't exactly wild for. And again, the warning signs were there, even last year:
I was in northeast Ohio on a mission to find out how organized labor is feeling these days about Hillary Clinton. Seven years ago, Clinton captured a majority of union households in Ohio, en route to a 10-point primary victory against Barack Obama. In Lorain County, her margin was even more resounding: 57-to-41.
At this fundraiser, however, skepticism toward Clinton was definitely in the air. Of the nine union members I interviewed, just one was supporting her. (Four were undecided, three were backing Bernie Sanders, and one was leaning toward Marco Rubio.) Some associated her with the unpopular trade policies of her husband. Others said she had been tainted by controversy, past and present. Most questioned her commitment to labor.
“I think Hillary says the right things,” said Jim Slone, head of the Lorain County UAW’s political action committee. (Slone voted for Clinton in 2008.) “I don’t think she really believes in all those things.”
At this fundraiser, however, skepticism toward Clinton was definitely in the air. Of the nine union members I interviewed, just one was supporting her. (Four were undecided, three were backing Bernie Sanders, and one was leaning toward Marco Rubio.) Some associated her with the unpopular trade policies of her husband. Others said she had been tainted by controversy, past and present. Most questioned her commitment to labor.
“I think Hillary says the right things,” said Jim Slone, head of the Lorain County UAW’s political action committee. (Slone voted for Clinton in 2008.) “I don’t think she really believes in all those things.”
And now, with 20/20 hindsight, we can see how even the primary results foretold this problem. There was a candidate, after all, who wasn't considered a serious threat at first to the Clinton inevitability, and he was scoffed at as unelectable by Democrats and Republicans alike. But there's one thing you couldn't call him: unpopular with union voters. While national leaders were getting behind Hillary early, Bernie was cleaning up with the locals.
All of this culminated in what, until yesterday, many considered the most stunning upset in recent political memory: Bernie's victory in the Michigan primary. But here's the thing. Two other states Bernie significantly outperformed his polling in? Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. In each state, depending on the polls you look at, he outperformed by at least mid-to-high single digits, if not low double digits.
Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania. The three states that, effectively, just made Trump our next President. Something was going on in those states during the primary season that the polls didn't pick up on. Something was still going on in those states during the general that the polls didn't pick up on.
Now, I'm trying my best not to go full "I told you so" to my fellow Democrats quite yet. Give them time to digest what just happened. But, for all the talk of electability, it turns out that Bernie was the electable one, for one simple reason: he was the one Democrat speaking the populist message that resonated with rust belt labor, a constituency that, once upon a time, was such an important part of the Democratic coalition. A constituency that abandoned Hillary just enough to cost her the White House.
We've talked a lot about where the GOP goes post-Trump. But now that the Dems are firmly in a minority opposition role for at least two years (and probably longer), it's time to flip that question around. The party needs to find a way to repair its relationship with labor. An endorsement from SEIU or UAW national leadership looks great, but it doesn't mean anything if the actual members don't want to vote for you. It's time for the party to take a long look in the mirror. And, while I don't expect Bernie himself to run again in 2020, Democrats need to look at his message and his strategy, and come to grips with the fact that his against-the-current campaign was the only one that got labor voters excited. They need to make some changes fast, or the Midwest might turn red for a generation.