Doesn’t trump ratified text or constitutional statutory language, properly understood.ChatGPT, please explain "common law" to me.
But, sure, it comes after those things - for a judge doing their job properly, anyway.
Doesn’t trump ratified text or constitutional statutory language, properly understood.ChatGPT, please explain "common law" to me.
Well the rest of that statute isn't referenced, which discusses very clearly that a court will decide the issues:That too. It’s all one paragraph.
.
8 USC 1231 --aka INA § 241(b)(3)(A)
(3) Restriction on removal to a country where alien's life or freedom would be threatened
(A) In general
Notwithstanding paragraphs (1) and (2), the Attorney General may not remove an alien to a country if the Attorney General decides that the alien's life or freedom would be threatened in that country because of the alien's race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion. ( my emphasis )
The court’s role is very limited.
I quoted you Robert's order--I don't have to touch any another statement to know what Roberts said--he told us.Sotomayor with Kagan and Jackson added their statement because Roberts did not say what you think he said.
You ignore a significant part of judicial rulings--the interpretation of statutes, constitutions, etc that don't offer explicit demandments. If a statute says you have 180 days to file suit and you sue on the 182nd day (assuming no discovery rule), you are ****ed. If the statute says you have 180 days to file suit after discovering the cause of action, well that's another story all together.Doesn’t trump ratified text or constitutional statutory language, properly understood.
But, sure, it comes after those things - for a judge doing their job properly, anyway.
Ha. Just ask me.ChatGPT, please explain "common law" to me.
That's a good thing for American workers.I saw the impact immediately in the pricing of labor and the costs on construction projects for non-unionized jobs. Framers, masons, welders, disappeared by the thousands. Have to go to a union hall to competentaly replace that labor, at least doubling the cost for labor.
The statute says the AG ( or designee ) is trier of fact.Well the rest of that statute isn't referenced, which discusses very clearly that a court will decide the issues:
It is the immigration courts set up through the executive branch under the AG, so technically yes, but they operate as courts, hear evidence, appeals, bond hearings and issue orders (asylum, etc)The statute says the AG ( or designee ) is trier of fact.
Known or should have known 🤣🤣🤣 hellYou ignore a significant part of judicial rulings--the interpretation of statutes, constitutions, etc that don't offer explicit demandments. If a statute says you have 180 days to file suit and you sue on the 182nd day (assuming no discovery rule), you are ****ed. If the statute says you have 180 days to file suit after discovering the cause of action, well that's another story all together.
So, 'technically', CoH is right?It is the immigration courts set up through the executive branch under the AG, so technically yes, but they operate as courts, hear evidence, appeals, bond hearings and issue orders (asylum, etc)
It isn't a good thing if they aren't able to work because projects are canceled, which I am seeing bit of. It would be one thing to a partial union and partial non-union workers. It is another thing altogether to have all union workers in labor intensive jobs such as masonry and framers. Already a shortage of framers and masons--demand has been high for them for 10 years. Unfortuantely, qualified people are not gravitating to the trades nearly as much as before.That's a good thing for American workers.
I’m not ignoring that at all.You ignore a significant part of judicial rulings--the interpretation of statutes, constitutions, etc that don't offer explicit demandments. If a statute says you have 180 days to file suit and you sue on the 182nd day (assuming no discovery rule), you are ****ed. If the statute says you have 180 days to file suit after discovering the cause of action, well that's another story all together.
about what? a court hears the evidence. The IMMIGRATION COURT hears the evidence--they are a separate department to act independently.So, 'technically', CoH is right?
True. Which leaves a very limited area within which the district court can act. One thing for sure, the district court cannot decide the immigration issue.It is the immigration courts set up through the executive branch under the AG, so technically yes, but they operate as courts, hear evidence, appeals, bond hearings and issue orders (asylum, etc)
You said he was 'technically' right. I just couldn't believe what I was reading. lolabout what? a court hears the evidence. The IMMIGRATION COURT hears the evidence--they are a separate department to act independently.
The constitution says a lot and doesn't say a lot--that was its design. There is no constitutional provision executive immunity as proscribed by the Supreme's latest ruling re; Trump. The Constiution is also not read to mean "anything listed here is protected; everything that isn't listed, is not protected."I’m not ignoring that at all.
Judges have to color in between the lines. Never said otherwise.
They just can’t color outside the lines — or in Justice Marshall’s case, just simply draw their own lines and wait for the proper line-drawers to “catch up” because he had already done “what he thinks is right.”
This is why, for example, Roe had to go. It was entirely unfounded. I say that as somebody who thinks abortion should be legal. But there was simply no Constitutional foundation for it - which, I would guess, is why its defenders almost never defended it on its contrived reasoning, but rather on its effects.
Another good example is Bakke. No clear-eyed interpretation of “equal protection of the laws” can comport with what the court did there. We can’t pick and choose when to firmly apply the clear meaning of those words. It should always firmly apply - or else the ratified text is rendered meaningless.
Well he wasn't wrong --I'm just pointing out that there is whole system in place to effectuate due proces and to protect decision making. A lot harder to challenge on due process grounds when there is a court (in whatever branch), that actually takes testimony.You said he was 'technically' right. I just couldn't believe what I was reading. lol
Eh. Isn’t official immunity baked into the constitution? At the time it was written, the ability to sue the government or its agents was almost non-existent.The constitution says a lot and doesn't say a lot--that was its design. There is no constitutional provision executive immunity as proscribed by the Supreme's latest ruling re; Trump. The Constiution is also not read to mean "anything listed here is protected; everything that isn't listed, is not protected."
The Ninth Amendment reflects this: "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people". James Madison speech discussed this:
"It has been said, by way of objection to a bill of rights ... that in the Federal Government they are unnecessary, because the powers are enumerated, and it follows, that all that are not granted by the constitution are retained; that the constitution is a bill of powers, the great residuum being the rights of the people; and, therefore, a bill of rights cannot be so necessary as if the residuum was thrown into the hands of the Government. I admit that these arguments are not entirely without foundation, but they are not as conclusive to the extent it has been proposed. It is true the powers of the general government are circumscribed; they are directed to particular objects; but even if government keeps within those limits, it has certain discretionary powers with respect to the means, which may admit of abuse"
The ninth amendment of course does not confer a substantive right, but rather a rule as to how to read the constituion.
As for Trump v US, the Justice that I think got it most right was Barrett. There is a separation of powers conflict with Congress impeding on executive authority. But there’s nothing extending it beyond that (such as with the states or with non-official actions).The constitution says a lot and doesn't say a lot--that was its design. There is no constitutional provision executive immunity as proscribed by the Supreme's latest ruling re; Trump. The Constiution is also not read to mean "anything listed here is protected; everything that isn't listed, is not protected."
And yet, you're saying Garcia didn't have due process even when he went before 2 immigration judges?Well he wasn't wrong --I'm just pointing out that there is whole system in place to effectuate due proces and to protect decision making. A lot harder to challenge on due process grounds when there is a court (in whatever branch), that actually takes testimony.
Those were bond hearing--NOT the substantive claims determinations.And yet, you're saying Garcia didn't have due process even when he went before 2 immigration judges?
But they were immigration judges, no?Those were bond hearing--NOT the substantive claims determinations.
There is not one word about immunity except the speech and debate clause. If you are referring to Sovereign Immunity as it relates to English law ("the king can do no wrong"), that isn't referenced either.Eh. Isn’t official immunity baked into the constitution? At the time it was written, the ability to sue the government or its agents was almost non-existent.
DancBut they were immigration judges, no?
Are you telling me all the deportees under Obama got a hearing on their deportations?
No Obama deportees asked for a hearing?Danc
the garica written opinions were SOLELY about the bond--that's it. jIt was the precursor to the hearing- He was challenging deportation and the bond hearing was the antecedent.
You have to ask for a hearing challenging deportion, you get one.
Can the executive use its powers to encroach upon the powers held by the Legislature?There is not one word about immunity except the speech and debate clause. If you are referring to Sovereign Immunity as it relates to English law ("the king can do no wrong"), that isn't referenced either.
Seems to me 'due process' was never an issue under previous administrations. Doesn't that seem odd?
So immunity is implied....As for Trump v US, the Justice that I think got it most right was Barrett. There is a separation of powers conflict with Congress impeding on executive authority. But there’s nothing extending it beyond that (such as with the states or with non-official actions).
The point is: she was guided entirely by the text as it exists.
Naturally, different judges can and often do come down in different places when applying this guiding philosophy. And that’s fine. It’s the philosophy I’m advocating - as opposed to the bastardized “living document” philosophy which effectively, IMO, places the people in the judiciary above the ratified text.
As to your second point:
The Constitution empowers all 3 branches of the federal government to serve necessary functions. And obviously it was never intended to cover all aspects of US law. It created a government, defined its powers and mandates, and defined its limits. The fact it wasn’t all-encompassing is the reason they created a Legislative branch - and gave it a limited scope.
It’s also the reason they explicitly delegated everything else to the states in the form of the 10th Amendment.
You are conflating immunity for actions with encroachment.Can the executive use its powers to encroach upon the powers held by the Legislature?
It’s basically the same question - and what the court was deciding.
Why do you suppose they limited the immunity to his official actions?
So immunity is implied....
The Nixon court addressed this issue nicely.
You are conflating immunity for actions with encroachment.
Hard to argue for one and not the other given that both rulings require MULTIPLE steps with no textual support.
The president uses his executive powers to encroach upon the powers held by the legislature all the time. The Iraq and afghan war seems to be a pretty good example.
The courts get to decide what constitutes a constitutional order or lawWell, if it’s a correct reading of the text that Congress (and the judiciary) can’t impede on an executive’s powers by way of their own.
If they can, then that’s a whole different story.
The tool Congress has to deal with a lawless president is impeachment.
I'm trying to address my lack of information by asking you the question: did all Obama deportees received due process? Did none of them ask for hearings, if they were caught in the US?You are making an assumption based upon your lack of information. There are also several types of deportation (1) those that live in the US; (2) those that make it to the board and heard interviewed; and (3) those that get inside the US. Those that are sent back at the border are entitled to nothing. The ACLU filed many lawsuits
The courts get to decide what constitutes a constitutional order or law
I couldn't possibly give you answer to that question. No clue. But the absence of information doesn't mean they did or didn't. That was my point.I'm trying to address my lack of information by asking you the question: did all Obama deportees received due process? Did none of them ask for hearings, if they were caught in the US?
EFF THAT! It's COH he is the supreme legal authority of the dream team. He is several tiers above the Supremes.I've been quoting the trial court decision. I've never quoted Sotomayor.
Read it. As a general rule, reading an opinion before criticizing it and claiming the judge is completely clueless is a good idea.
And yet I bet you were one of many that were singing a different tune when Biden was president.You omitted Roberts’ “deference” comment.
“The District Court should clarify its directive, with due regard for the deference owed to the Executive Branch in the conduct of foreign affairs.”
I think the trial court is wrong if it believes it has authority to decide the removal issue. That decision is clearly an administrative decision which is subject only to limited judicial review.
The odds of all the millions of Obama deportees receiving 'due process', as defined currently, are about that of you and Gojko hanging out and smoking a bowl together.I couldn't possibly give you answer to that question. No clue. But the absence of information doesn't mean they did or didn't. That was my point.
No. Just three of them.He is several tiers above the Supremes.